DC Tax Revision Commission Roundtable Testimony, DC City Council
12/9/97
Revision of DC's tax structure should be designed to improve the
quality of life of all our residents. We live in a city of crisis with 1
in 3 DC children living in poverty, 1 in 4 children under 12 years old
hungry or at risk of being hungry, and infant mortality rate still twice
the national average. Yet in the last two and a half years, devastating
budget cuts have been enacted and more cuts are included in the 1998
budget. Combined with the implementation of the national welfare law,
these budget cuts will have very serious consequences for DC's
children. The number one priority of our city's budget decisions should
be the welfare of our children, but not apparently for the DC government
and Control Board. Cuts in AFDC benefits began in the fall of 1994 with
the Council's 10 to 1 rejection of a cost of living increase in spite of
the fact that the benefit level at the time was below the poverty limit.
Maximum welfare benefits had by 1996 declined 46% from 1970, adjusted
for inflation (P.T. Kilborn, New York Times, 12/8/96). So what has the
Council done? Cut the benefit level even further (three times in 7
months)! This drop in income security for the poor, and the institution
of workfare is bound to pull down the wages of low and middle income
workers.
Other cuts have resulted in reduction of shelter capacity for
families, subsidized child care slots, drug treatment, closure of public
health clinics and recreation centers and elimination of the chore aide
program for seniors and disabled. The list of hurtful budget cuts goes
on and on. One of the cruelest was the elimination of emergency
assistance for rent, mortgage, utility and furniture payments for
families at the edge of eviction. Totally unacceptable cuts have been
made in the budget for the University of the District of Columbia
resulting in loss of faculty, staff and decline in quality of academic
programs. Municipal workers are losing their benefits or being fired
with no provision for retraining or job placement. Once unemployed,
these individuals find that the maximum unemployment benefit has been
cut even though the fund is perfectly solvent.
The District government and Control Board now stand in clear
contempt of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (signed by U.S.
on 2/16/95) which upholds the right of children to the highest standard
of health and medical care attainable, with special emphasis on the
provision of primary and preventive health care, public health education
and the reduction of infant mortality.
There are two wars going on in the District- the war against
democracy and the war of the rich against the poor and "middle class".
The budget deficit has been used to explain the necessity of these
inhuman cuts. For the last two years the Control Board and most on the
Council have told us there is no alternative to devastating budget cuts
impacting the poor, children, UDC, municipal workers etc., since we must
balance the budget under Control Board legislation. However, we have
been "sold a bill of goods".
There is an alternative. The budget can be balanced, reversing
the devastating cuts voted since late 1994, amounting to some $100
million, and even providing the necessary increases to maintain the
safety net and increase not decrease funding for UDC by putting the
"burden" on those most able to bear it, the most affluent in our
community, by:
1) Raising state income taxes on high income brackets,
restructuring this tax to make the DC local/state tax system
progressive.
DC now has a regressive state and local tax system (even worse
than a "flat tax"); according to the Citizens for Tax Justice, in
1995, the poorest fifth and middle income families paid 9.5 to 10.5% of
their income as state/local taxes, while the richest (average $1.8
million family income) paid 6.4%, after federal deduction offset! In
1995, those filling federal tax returns with adjusted gross incomes over
$100,000 had a taxable income of $3.04 billion, those over $200,000,
$1.88 billion! If those with adjusted gross incomes over $100,000 were
taxed an extra 4%, $120 million a year in revenue would roll in.
(Source: IRS, Statistics of Income Bulletin v.16, No.4, Spring 1997) A
frequency articulated myth is that DC residents are ôovertaxedö compared
to surrounding jurisdictions. While combined state and local tax rates
in 1995 were slightly lower in Virginia than in DC and Maryland, DCÆs
rate for the lowest 20% income group (less than $31,000) was 10.5%
compared to 10.8% for Maryland. The $111,000 to $567,000 income bracket
of DC residents actually paid a slightly lower rate than the
corresponding bracket for Maryland (see attachments from Citizens for
Tax Justice study).
2) Raising commercial and residential property tax rates on the
highest assessed property (and/or assess those properties, especially
commerical property, at their true market rate, an objective of
Initiative 51, passed overwhelmingly by DC voters) SEIU Local 82
economists estimated two years ago that a 0.5% increment in the big
commercial property tax rate (making it comparable to other major
cities) would generate $166 million in revenue a year. Fair assessment
alone would provide some $40 million a year in additional revenue. The
Council has postponed the implementation of Initiative 51 until 1998, in
line with their craven posture to the Control Board and Board of Trade
(the Control Board was considering recommending the nullification of
Initiative 51 but apparently for political reasons left the dirty work
for the Council).
Note that the District government can still revise its own tax
structure under the Home Rule Act. Like any legistative act of DC
government it is subject to Congressional review. However, the long
range solutions such as a higher federal payment or statehood are of
course outside the scope of unilateral DC action since they require
Congressional and/or Executive initiation and approval.
Increasing the tax rate on the wealthy in DC should also include
lower tax rates for low and moderate income residents, in particular,
tax relief for small businesses in the District. In 1995, only 10% of
the total state tax liability came from those individuals making less
than $30,000. Revenue from the outlined increases would come from DC
residents, or owners of DC property, not from the federal government nor
even from nonresident DC workers. More millions of dollars in revenue a
year could also come from efficient collection of taxes and fines ($60
million), and the renegotiation of public give-aways to Abe Pollin ($240
million) (source: Sam Jordan, DC Statehood Party).
Rather than the so-called ôtough loveö for the poor (equals
callous indifference) we need tough love for the wealthy, sharing the
wealth to meet human needs in the District. Luxury spending is booming
in the Metro DC area. Is another European vacation or Lexus this year
really worth children going hungry, the poor not receiving health care,
our youth not getting the higher education they deserve? It is no
accident that the United States has the greatest gap between rich and
poor families and the highest child poverty rate of practically all
industralized countries (Washington Post, 3/29/97). The "dirty little
secret" of economics is that concentration of wealth at the top leads to
poverty and misery at the bottom.
But wouldn't raising taxes on the wealthy drive them out of the
District and erode our tax base? On the contrary, the benefits of living
in the District (shorter commuting, cultural opportunities etc.) have
attracted these residents in the first place. Commuting time and costs
will likely increase in the next decade (Washington Post, 3/27/97). The
more affluent have been moving into the District for the last decade,
buying houses, while low income renters have been moving out
(Washington Post, 3/3/97) Reducing the "misery index" in the District
would of course benefit the wealthy as well as the rest of the community
by reducing crime, stimulating consumer spending and reducing class and
racial polarization.
And if the wealthy don't like the idea of paying higher taxes,
they should join in and lobby for the long term solutions to our
budgetary crisis, our crisis in meeting basic human needs, requiring
Acts of Congress, which include the following:
1) a fair federal payment for nontaxable property and services
provided by the District, roughly 3 times the payment of $660 million
per year made prior to the passage of the Economic and Tax Incentive
Package
2) a reciprocal income tax (a 2% tax on non-resident income
would bring in $470 million per year)
3) Payments in Lieu of Taxes ("PILOTS") from federally-chartered
tax exempts (Sallie Mae, National Geographic etc.) would bring in some
$150 million per year
4) Making Fannie Mae pay income tax ($300 million per year)
5) Statehood, democracy, not dictatorship by the Control Board
Junta. The ClintonÆs Economic and Tax Incentive Package and proposals
such as the Norton "progressive" flat tax are seductive nonsolutions to
our crisis which combine long discredited "trick-down" economics with
continued neocolonial status for the District. Only real self
determination in the form of statehood and sharing the wealth of our
community can measure up to the needs of our people (See Sam Jordan's
article in the April 1997 PeaceLetter; write to DC Statehood Party, 1518
Kearney St. NE, DC 20017 for a copy).
The only effective way to protect and expand the satisfaction of basic
human needs in this city is to mobilize the broadest coalition of all
those being adversely affected by the so-called fiscal crisis. People
before profit! Children First!
David Schwartzman
dws@scs.howard.edu
Deputy on Tax Issues
DC Statehood Party